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On a Thursday afternoon last November, a cleaning company baron who built his wealth with the CFMEU’s support filed a highly unusual claim over a plot of land in Keilor.
The caveat placed on the property by Cleanex director Goce “George” Nestorovski says he sought the “repayment of money paid under a contract of sale” from those who had bought the land from him more than a year earlier, in March 2024.
Nestorovski’s caveat was unusual for several reasons. It suggested the businessman had sold the back block at a property in Hislop Street for $550,000, but had never been paid.
The ostensible purchaser was the daughter of a man he knew well, his friend and long time CFMEU powerbroker John Perkovic.
The timing of Nestorovski’s caveat was another potential indicator that it may be part of a more complicated, unfolding story.
Weeks earlier, in October of last year, The Age had asked both Nestorovski and Perkovic whether the transfer of the Keilor land involved an alleged effort to bribe Perkovic in return for the CFMEU boss throwing his union’s support behind Nestorovski’s commercial construction site cleaning business.
The Age was also on the cusp of revealing that Perkovic’s family had been gifted the use of expensive cars by three building company owners, including a sleek black $125,000 Land Rover provided by Nestorovski. The discovery by this masthead of the land deal had dramatic and far-reaching consequences.
It triggered Perkovic’s sacking in late October by the CFMEU administrator from his role as the second most powerful official within the union’s Victorian branch.
It also undermined the narrative being pushed by those opposing the Albanese government appointed CFMEU administration, including Perkovic’s closest supporter John Setka, that the administration was politically motivated and unnecessary.
The revelations involving Perkovic raised the distinct possibility that at least some in upper echelons of the CFMEU may have secretly abused the union’s power to support select bosses and companies, turning their back on union members.
In the case of Cleanex, its workers are cleaners in an industry known to be ripe for the exploitation particularly of people from other countries.
The federal police certainly believe the allegations involving Perkovic and Nestorovski are worthy of scrutiny.
On Wednesday morning, federal agents raided Perkovic’s house on Hislop Street as part of an investigation probing suspected corruption and money laundering.
Nestorovski’s November caveat was lodged against this backdrop of suspicion and intrigue.
Why would an astute businessman hand over land to a union boss without full payment? And why would he only seek to recover what he was owed 22 months later, and only after reporters began asking questions?
Three CFMEU sources, not willing to be identified publicly, told The Age that Cleanex was repeatedly pushed by Perkovic using his union power.
Perkovic has not responded to previous efforts to contact him. In October, when this masthead called his daughter whose name is on the land title of the Keilor block in question, she said, “oh my God”, before hanging up the phone.
When quizzed about why he bought the land acquired by Perkovic, Nestorovski previously told this masthead, “It’s none of your business why I bought it”, but denied it was a bribe before hanging up the phone.
Prior to lodging the caveat, he signalled to The Age he would offer an explanation, but never followed through, citing the advice of his lawyer.
Nestorovski has the right under law to decline to answer any questions asked by the federal police.
But both he and Perkovic are likely persons of interest for the upcoming royal commission into Victoria’s building industry where, if subpoenaed, they will have to appear and answer questions.
The CFMEU administration’s corruption buster Geoffrey Watson has already aired his own theory about the land deal in his landmark report into the union (which was published in February at the Queensland commission of inquiry into the CFMEU).
Watson’s analysis is that “Perkovic came to own the back block in circumstances showing it was plainly a benefit given to him by the wealthy contractor, George Nestorovski”.
The barrister uncovered “several strange features of this transaction and they all point to the sale being an unsophisticated sham worked out between Perkovic and Nestorovski”.
They include the absence of any marketing campaign for the sale of the back block, as well as the absence of a real estate agent.
“But far and away the most disturbing feature is that no money changed hands,” Watson concluded. “The back block was transferred to Perkovic’s daughter for free.”
The caveat lodged by Nestorovski in November is likely indicative of an attempt to undermine Watson’s theory.
The caveat suggests Nestorovski is claiming the cleaning baron gave his land to the union boss in March 2024 subject to an IOU.
It remains unclear as to why Nestorovski only sought to legally enforce it via a caveat after The Age, the police and Watson started asking questions.
One thing is certain: it’s a mystery the royal commission will be eager to solve.
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Nick McKenzie is an Age investigative journalist who has three times been named the Graham Perkin Australian Journalist of the Year. A winner of 20 Walkley Awards, including the Gold Walkley, he investigates politics, business, foreign affairs and criminal justice.Connect via email.From our partners
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